Es gilt das gesprochene Wort.

 

Chairman,
Professors and lecturers of the University of Bern,
Speakers and Guests,

 

It’s a great honour for me to welcome you to the federal parliament building in all its splendour after the recent renovation. The frescoes in the chambers of the National Council and the Council of States have been restored to their original beauty, and the members desks have been raised. Yes – our elected representatives have grown since 1848!

Since the renovation, our national monument, designed by the architect Auer, celebrates even more clearly the foundations of our parliamentary institution. With the technology that has been installed, it is in contact with the rest of the world, and it is ready to face the challenges that the future will bring. The building is a perfect backdrop for our federal assembly, for our two-chamber system and for producing high-quality federal legislation.

The temple of the Swiss parliament has been modernised with a view to ensuring greater accessibility in our democratic procedures, and greater participation of our citizens. But what about our federal assembly? What reforms have been introduced to adapt it to present-day conditions, and to prepare it for the succession of crises that have occurred since the start of the 2^nd millennium?

I’m sure I don’t need to remind you that, since the beginning of the 21st century, the world has undergone complex and profound changes. And indeed, it is precisely one aspect of these changes that is the focus of your attention during this conference.

We are living in an increasingly multi-polar world characterised by deepening economic globalisation coupled with radical changes in international economic relations and the balance of power. At the same time popular support for multilateralism and the promotion of democracy in international relations is growing.

Since 2008, economic growth and development have been blocked by a global financial and economic crisis. Although the global economy now shows signs of recovery, the economic foundations remain weak, with deep-rooted problems that have not yet been addressed. The economic crisis is compounded by challenges relating to climate change, food and energy security, and public health; solutions have not yet been found. Fatal natural disasters have become more common and non-traditional security threats such as terrorism, proliferation of weapons and organised crime have increased considerably.

Only by working together can parliaments address these and other global challenges successfully, and make a better world for people in every country.

But parliaments are national institutions, inseparable from their differing histories and cultures. The Swiss parliament, for example, is the pride of the country’s sovereign independence and its desire to defend it, maintaining bilateral contacts and multilateral parliamentary diplomacy.

The reform of the Swiss parliament as an institution began long before work started on this magnificent sandstone and marble building. The challenge here is to safeguard the democratic legitimacy of our national parliament in a globalised world where decisions tend to be taken at an international or even a supranational level.

At the same time, it is important to ensure that we have the means to react appropriately to international problems, and that we take into account the opinions of the Swiss population.

At the beginning of the 1990s, the new federal constitution gave the federal assembly more scope in foreign policy. Since then alliances and agreements with other countries have been the responsibility of the federal assembly. The Swiss parliament is also responsible for external security, Switzerland’s independence and neutrality, declarations of war and signing peace treaties.

Of course only the Federal Council can represent Switzerland vis-à-vis other countries and sign undertakings that are binding under international law. But according to our basic charter, the executive must cooperate and coordinate its foreign policy activities with the two chambers of the Swiss parliament.

The two Councils that make up our parliament approve agreements signed by the government. They control the shape of our foreign policy and monitor it closely. Their legislative powers also cover foreign policy.

The modernisation of the constitution and the new Parliament Act, both dating from the early 1990s, marked the start of a new era: that of Swiss parliamentary diplomacy. From then on the legislative body would take the initiative by organising meetings and making contact with parliaments of other countries. Only on a small scale, of course, because the means at their disposal are limited.

This parliamentary diplomacy proved to be worth its weight in gold when the financial crisis hit the world and we had to start taking measures against its negative effects on the economy and employment.

This event compounded the impact of foreign policy within the country. In 2009, the Swiss parliament approved economic measures and backed the proposal to save the banking giant UBS. It was not the only parliament to take such measures. All around the world, legislative bodies have been allotting billions of francs to fund economic recovery programmes – measures that will have an impact way beyond national boundaries.

The influence of international treaties on Swiss legislation is increasing. At present Parliament is examining double-taxation agreements that have been renegociated according to the norms set out by the OECD.

The new powers given to the members of the European parliament under the terms of the Treaty of Lisbon also affect Switzerland. A European parliamentary committee will come to Bern on May 26th to discuss Switzerland’s integration into the EU’s internal market.

I’d like to dwell a moment on the value of the two-chamber system in relation to examining international issues and agreements. The two chambers are used to seeking balanced solutions that are likely to get the backing of the majority. This is also a measure of their success in international relations, especially with the EU.

The preparatory committees can identify certain weaknesses in treaties and suggest additional clauses. For example, in the double-taxation agreements or the agreement with the USA on supplying the names of UBS account-holders.

The two-chamber legislative process also has the advantage of clarifying international implications that, in principle, are not of major importance to the population. And, since the Swiss parliament is responsible for implementing the laws that it signs, it reinforces the people’s trust in those laws. For example, the federal assembly is closely monitoring the effects of the bilateral agreements between Switzerland and the European Union, signed in 1999 and 2004.

It cannot be denied that the two-chamber system takes up a certain amount of time. But the result is well worth it. The same applies to other aspects of the political system in Switzerland, for example with our direct democracy, or the inclusion of as many opinions as possible in the consultation process and hearings, or the sharing of power at all levels.

In these times of radical change, parliaments fulfil an important function. On the one hand, because, as I have already mentioned, they have to take measures regarding financial support and new regulations. On the other hand, because they can and must maintain contact with the population. As I see it, it is essential that people, with their own opinions, feel and know that they are directly – or at least indirectly - involved. This is crucial to ensure the acceptance and credibility of politics, especially in times of crisis.

Because parliaments fulfil an important function, international collaboration between members of parliament is of great and increasing importance.

The Swiss legislative body is a member of the French-Speaking Parliamentary Assembly, the Parliamentary Assembly of the OSCE, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the NATO Parliamentary Assembly (of which the federal assembly is an associate member), the parliamentary committees of the EFTA countries and the European Parliament, the International Conference of the Inter-Parliamentary Union and the Association of European Senates.

It maintains bilateral relations with the German Bundestag, the parliaments of Austria, France and Italy and the Landtag in Liechtenstein.

Consultation between parliaments and governments prior to and during the negotiation of international agreements should take place as a matter of course. It is not practical to expect parliaments to ratify international agreements and legislate for their enforcement without involving them in the earlier stages of negotiation.

It is therefore essential that we develop indicators for our parliaments to measure progress in governmental programmes to address major challenges such as climate change and food and energy security. Parliaments can do more to ensure that development goals are taken into account in our daily work and translated into national programmes and laws.

The world will surely continue to be confronted by crises that will pose tremendous challenges to the prevailing order. If they are managed democratically, however, such crises can provide a springboard for vital and regenerative change.

I remain convinced that one essential way to bridge the growing gap between those who live comfortably and the needy is to ensure greater participation at an international level.

Since you are deliberately taking up the challenges for public management, I should like to take this opportunity to put forward an idea. In view of the growing complexity and internationalisation of political areas, the need for a corresponding monitoring body will also become more urgent. And it is here that I can see a possible real aim for international colaboration at a parliamentary level. Parliaments could be more active in international affairs by contributing to and monitoring international negotiations, by overseeing the enforcement of agreements that have been reached by governments, and by ensuring national compliance with international norms and the rule of law.

A solution could be found in the international organisation of national parliaments and the global parliamentary counterpart of the United Nations. The Inter-Parliamentary Union facilitates political dialogue and cooperation within and between countries. It also actively provides support for parliaments. It operates on a small budget and is not burdened by a large bureaucracy. It is unique within the panoply of multilateral organisations. The IPU is an ideal instrument for ensuring a good relationship between parliaments and the United Nations.

Whatever path is chosen, there are some questions regarding international collaboration that need to be answered urgently. And in my opinion, the point of view and experience of parliaments as representatives of the people should not be underestimated when these answers are sought. The matter requires urgent attention – to maintain the people’s rights and to ensure that executive power can be monitored and the principle of the separation of powers can be instituted worldwide.

Thank you for your attention.